欢迎来到毕设资料网! | 帮助中心 毕设资料交流与分享平台
毕设资料网
全部分类
  • 毕业设计>
  • 毕业论文>
  • 外文翻译>
  • 课程设计>
  • 实习报告>
  • 相关资料>
  • ImageVerifierCode 换一换
    首页 毕设资料网 > 资源分类 > DOC文档下载
    分享到微信 分享到微博 分享到QQ空间

    韩国的收入、消费及贫困外文翻译

    • 资源ID:137194       资源大小:222KB        全文页数:10页
    • 资源格式: DOC        下载积分:100金币
    快捷下载 游客一键下载
    账号登录下载
    三方登录下载: QQ登录
    下载资源需要100金币
    邮箱/手机:
    温馨提示:
    快捷下载时,用户名和密码都是您填写的邮箱或者手机号,方便查询和重复下载(系统自动生成)。
    如填写123,账号就是123,密码也是123。
    支付方式: 支付宝   
    验证码:   换一换

     
    账号:
    密码:
    验证码:   换一换
      忘记密码?
        
    友情提示
    2、PDF文件下载后,可能会被浏览器默认打开,此种情况可以点击浏览器菜单,保存网页到桌面,就可以正常下载了。
    3、本站不支持迅雷下载,请使用电脑自带的IE浏览器,或者360浏览器、谷歌浏览器下载即可。
    4、本站资源下载后的文档和图纸-无水印,预览文档经过压缩,下载后原文更清晰。

    韩国的收入、消费及贫困外文翻译

    1、 中文 3070 字 本科毕业设计(论文) 外文翻译 外文题目: Income, Consumption, Andpoverty in Korea 出 处: Social Indicators Research,2003,no.62 作 者: Joung woo lee INCOME, CONSUMPTION, AND POVERTY IN KOREA JOUNG-WOO LEE ABSTRACT: This article examines changes in economic welfare within Korea in terms of income, consumption, an

    2、d poverty. Analyses of government statistics reveal that it has been extraordinarily successful in raising the average level of both income and consumption , while reducing the incidence of poverty during the last four decades. In reducing the unequal distribution of income during the same period, h

    3、owever, the country has been much less successful. In the aftermath of the 1997 economic crises, the level of poverty has risen due to sharp increases in unemployment. The lives of the poor are at risk since the social safety net system in Korea is only minimal. The heavy concentration of land and w

    4、ealth in a few hands is a major obstacle to the further enhancement of the quality of economic life among the Korean people. This paper examines the changing quality of economic life especially among Korean workers with systematic analyses of time series data on income, consumption, and poverty. The

    5、 analyses are based on two assumptions. The first is what John Rawls characterizes as “maximin principle,” i.e., the quality of life in a given society cannot be regarded as satisfactory when some of its citizens are in a miserable state of life. The second premise is that Korean workers have yet to

    6、 receive their fair share of economic development, although it is internationally regarded as more equitable than what is observed in other developing countries INCOME GROWTH Korea has displayed unprecedented rapid economic growth from themid-1960s up until the late 1990s, when an abrupt economic cr

    7、isis hit the country. Per capita national income increased 80-fold fromU.S.$125 in 1966 to over U.S.$10000 in 1995. This kind of rapid economic growth could be found only in few East Asian countries like Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan. Another notable feature of economic growth in Korea is that it

    8、 has not been accompanied by a worsening distribution of income, as witnessed in many Latin American countries INCOME DISTRIBUTION Individual scholars and research institutes have reported that income distribution in Korea has improved during the last couple of decades. The Korea National Statistica

    9、l Office (hereinafter the NSO) (2000) and Dr. Hak chung Choo (1982, 1992) of the Korea Development Institute are in agreement that income inequality has been lowered in both rural and urban areas since the late 1970s. According to the Farm Households Economic Survey (hereinafter the FHES, which is c

    10、onducted annually by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fishery, the Gini coefficient was estimated to be 0.324 for 1967, and 0.288for 1988. This strongly suggests a lowering of income inequality in rural areas over the past decades. When combining the urban and rural income survey data, it is evident

    11、hat income distribution in Korea has been moving in the direction of lesser inequality before the economic crisis hit the country in 1997. Nonetheless, the Gini coefficients based on these survey data have recently been called into question (Ahn, 1995; Lee and Whang, 1998). These surveys were not ca

    12、pable of properly incorporating the unearned incomes stemming from the soaring prices of land, houses, and stocks. The windfall gains from those sources occur only once or twice in life, so that people tend to regard them as “abnormal” income, that should not be counted as income in the social surve

    13、ys. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that occasional income surveys could capture the vast amount of unearned income, which explored in the late 1980s. This is one reason why there is a lingering doubt about the findings of improving income distribution, even though existing. For 1988 alone, for exa

    14、mple, the realized capital gains from land were around 20 percent of the Gross National Product (here in after the GNP), and those from the stock market added another 5 percent. The Gini coefficient of 1988, reported by the NSO, was given as 0.336. However, the Gini coefficient is actually estimated

    15、 to be0.388, one the capital gains arising from land in the late 1980sare taken into account (Lee, 1991). The gains from the booming stock market in the late 1980s further raised the coefficient to 0.412, a figure that is significantly higher than what the NSO originally estimated the coefficient to

    16、 be. In reality, therefore, it is highly probable that income inequality in Korea is much higher than what is known from the governmental household surveys, and it has been worsening during the past decade. CONSUMPTION PATTERN How does the working class compare with the non-working class in terms of

    17、 what they consume on a daily basis? The present study addressed this question with the Urban Household Income and Expenditure Surveys (hereinafter the UHIES) conducted by the NSO for the period of 19632000. Table IV compares the relative levels of consumption of three working classes blue collar, w

    18、hite collar, and laborers with that of non-laborers. In addition, the table provides the Engel coefficient, i.e., the ratio of food consumption as a part of total consumption, for these four classes. There is no strict criterion, but often an Engel coefficient over 70 percent means “extremely poor,”

    19、 and over 50 percent “poor.” According to the Engel coefficients reported in Table IV, both the working and non-working classes were poor during the 1960s. They had to spend more than half of their living expenses on food items. In 2000, however, they were spending less than one-third of those expen

    20、ses for the same purpose. Their Engel coefficients have declined to the high 20s, by as much as 50 percent over the past four decades. This indicates a remarkable improvement in the standard of living among all classes of the Korean population. Of the three classes surveyed, blue-collar workers rema

    21、in the least well off, still spending the most on food items, the same as they did four decades ago. When improvements in the overall levels of consumption are considered, however, it is the blue-collar workers, who have achieved the greatest level of improvement in their standard of living. In 1963

    22、, they were 35 percentage points behind non- laborers. In 2000, however, they were only 16 percentage points behind, indicating a gain of 19 percentage points over the period in question. Table V examines changes in the consumption structure of worker households after adjusting for the housing costs

    23、 that were underestimated in the analysis reported by the government. Specifically, the opportunity cost of the lump-sum deposits and the imputed rents of owner-occupied housing were taken into account in order to estimate, accurately, the percentage figures for food and other consumption items. The

    24、 most notable feature of Table V concerns steady and significant declines in the Engel coefficients from 55 in 1963, to 21 in 2000. As a result of such declines in food consumption, Korean workers have been able to spend more on such items as medical care, education, transportation, and communicatio

    25、ns. Of all those non-food items, the relative level of spending has increased to the greatest extent in the “other” consumption category, which covers furniture, electronic equipment, and entertainment expenses. These items are generally considered to be luxuries rather than necessities. The six-fol

    26、d rise in this category from 2 to 12 percentage points is evidence of the remarkable improvement in the standard of living of the Korean working class during the past four decades. Nonetheless, it should be noted that housing costs have become the single most important item in the workers householdb

    27、udget. Housing and food costs together constitute almost half of How does the Korean workers standard of living compare with what has been observed in the other developed and developing countries? The World Development Report (here in after the WDR), published by the World Bank, provides relevant da

    28、ta for a cross-national comparison. Table VI summarizes the consumption structures of sixty-three countries grouped into four categories: the low-income countries; lower-middle-income countries; upper middle-income countries; and high-income countries. According to the World Bank, Korea currently belongs to the upper-middle income group. Table VI contains three separate estimates for Korea by line. Line (1)


    注意事项

    本文(韩国的收入、消费及贫困外文翻译)为本站会员(译***)主动上传,毕设资料网仅提供信息存储空间,仅对用户上传内容的表现方式做保护处理,对上载内容本身不做任何修改或编辑。 若此文所含内容侵犯了您的版权或隐私,请联系网站客服QQ:540560583,我们立即给予删除!




    关于我们 - 网站声明 - 网站地图 - 资源地图 - 友情链接 - 网站客服 - 联系我们
    本站所有资料均属于原创者所有,仅提供参考和学习交流之用,请勿用做其他用途,转载必究!如有侵犯您的权利请联系本站,一经查实我们会立即删除相关内容!
    copyright@ 2008-2025 毕设资料网所有
    联系QQ:540560583