1、 本科毕业设计 外文文献及 译文 文献、资料题目： URBAN RENEWAL POLICY IN CHICAGO 文献、资料来源： 期刊 Journal of Urban Affairs 第 31 期 文献、资料发表（出版）日期： 2000.8 院 （部）： 管理工程学院 专 业： 工程管理 班 级： 工管 081 姓 名： 李洪砚 学 号： 2008021014 指导教师： 亓霞 翻译日期： 2012.6.3山东建筑大学毕业设计外文文献 及译文 - - 1 外文 文献 ： Advanced Encryption Standard REGIME BUILDING, INSTITUTION B
2、UILDING: URBAN RENEWAL POLICY IN CHICAGO, 19461962 JOEL RAST University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee ABSTRACT: Urban regime analysis emphasizes the role of coalition building in creating a capacity to govern in cities. Through a case study of urban renewal policy in postwar Chicago, this article considers
3、 the role played by political institutions. Conceptualizing this historical period as one of regime building, I show how existing political institutions were out of sync with the citys new governing agenda of urban renewal and redevelopment following World War II. Creating a capacity to govern in ur
4、ban renewal policy required both coalition building and a fundamental reworking of formal governing institutions. It was spring 1964, and Chicago was in the midst of its greatest construction boom since therebuilding effort following the Great Chicago Fire of 1871. In the third of a series of articl
5、es on Chicagos postwar revitalization, the Chicago Tribune celebrated the accomplishments of the past 10 years: more than six million square feet of new office space constructed downtown； nearly 1,000 acres of blighted land cleared for new development； a total of 27 urban renewal projects completed,
6、 under way, or approved for construction； a new convention center built on the lakefront； and the emergence of OHare International Airport as the worlds finest jet terminal (Gowran, 1964). Under the leadership of Richard J. Daley, elected mayor in 1955, Chicagos massive urban renewal program would e
7、ventually rank first among U.S. cities in total federal dollars received (Chicago Tribune, 1968). The accomplishments of Chicagos urban renewal program during Mayor Daleys first decadein office are all the more remarkable when examined alongside the record of his predecessor as mayor, Martin H. Kenn
8、elly. Plans for urban renewal in Chicago, orchestrated largely by business leaders, were under way when Kennelly was elected mayor in 1947. Kennelly enthusiasticallyembraced the business communitys redevelopment agenda and eagerly sought federal funding forslum clearance and public housing. However,
9、 urban renewal quickly became mired in controversy,stalling progress on numerous fronts. Of a total of eight slum clearance and redevelopment projectsinitiated during the Kennelly administration, none had been completed by the time Kennelly leftoffice in 1955. Downtown redevelopment was still largel
10、y at a standstill, 山东建筑大学毕业设计外文文献 及译文 - - 2 with only one new officetower under construction. How was Chicagos urban renewal program transformed from its origins as a weak andconflict-ridden initiative into the political and economic steamroller it ultimately became underthe leadership of Richard J.
11、 Daley? Scholars of urban political development have identified thepost-World War II era as a period of regime building (Cummings, 1988； DeLeon, 1992； Ferman,1996； Levine, 1989； Mollenkopf, 1983； Spragia, 1989； Stone, 1989). In what Robert Salisbury(1964) called the new convergence of power, city of
12、ficials across the country formed sustained, multiissue alliances with local business leaders around urban renewal and redevelopment. Ac-cording to urban regime theorists, the success of postwar redevelopment efforts was determinedmore by the strength and cohesiveness of such coalitionsor regimestha
13、n by the formalpowers of local government (Stone, 1989； Stone & Sanders, 1987). Effective governance in de-velopment policy was achieved when resources controlled by government and nongovernmentalactors (mainly business) were deployed around a shared agenda. What mattered most, in otherwords, was no
14、t the formal machinery of local government or local political institutions but theability of public and private actors to unite around a governing agenda commensurate with theresources at their disposal (Elkin, 1987； Stoker, 1995； Stone, 1989, 1993). Prospects were partic-ularly good when a resource
15、ful and cohesive business elite was paired with a politically powerfulmayor such as Daley of Chicago. While a focus on informal governing arrangementsin particular, the mobilization of resourcesthrough regime buildingexplains much about how governing capacity was created in postwarcities, informal a
16、rrangements are not the whole story. As Skocpol (1992) has argued, policyoutcomes are determined in part by the fit between the goals of politically active groups and existing political institutions. Governing institutions serve as staging grounds or rules of thegame for political action, favoring c
17、ertain political actors and courses of action over others (Bridges, 1997, p. 14). According to Skocpol (1992, p. 54), The overall structure of political institutions provides access and leverage to some groupsand alliances, thus encouraging and rewarding their efforts to shape government policies,while simultaneously denying access and leverage to other groups and alliances . . . . Thismeans that the degree of success that any politically active group or movement achieves
